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CONTENT TITLE PICTURE: (Photo: PriV3larchiv Robert Streibel. Vienna) WALDVIERTEL INTERN



2 CONTENTS Robert Streibel: The structural mortgage. On the relationship between the Protestant Church and National Socialism in Krems Klaus-Dieter Mulley: The Cardinal's "Heil Hitler". Catholic Church and National Socialism: Comments on some new publications Herbert Neidhart: From the history of pöggstalls. From the departure of the Maissauer to the takeover of rule by the Rogendorfer 338 Renale Seebauer: From the "Zoacha-Läuten" and "Ausläuten". A contribution to the local history of Mahrersdorf 343 Emmerich Rössler: Of extinct crafts and trades (2nd part) 346 Waidviertier and Wachau cultural reports 349 Book reviews 370 COVER PICTURE: Evangelical Church in Krems, excerpts from the "Community Gazette of the Evangelical Parish Krems an der Donau", July until September 1938 (Photo: PriV3larchiv Robert Streibel. Vienna) WALDVIERTEL INTERNAL An eventful year is coming to an end. In autumn of this year most of the local history library, which our honorary president Prof. Dr. Walter Pongratz has transferred to the WHB in his will. The list of the library and the exchange magazines of our association is to take place in 1991 in the Höbarthmuseum of the city of Horn. Volume 32 of our series of publications on the textile industry in the Waldviertel and other regions will appear in January 1991. A book presentation is planned for Saturday, January 12, 1991 at 3 p.m. in the Piarist Library of the Kunsthaus Horn. Please note the enclosed invitation. We wish our readers and employees a Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year! With best regards, The board and the editorial team

3 Das Waldviertel 39th (50th) year issue 4/1990 Journal for local history and regional studies of the Waldviertel and the Wachau Robert Streibel The structural mortgage On the relationship between the Protestant Church and National Socialism in Krems In the history of National Socialist rule, its conditions and requirements One of the most interesting chapters is the role of the churches. A majority of the population ascribed a moral authority to the church, so the judgment of the church and its representatives, who knew their actions were legitimized by an authority beyond human knowledge, had to be given special significance. Jan Rehmann gets to the point when he comes to the conclusion that no other ideological power like the Church would have had the strength to oppose attempts to harmonize and destroy its spheres of influence. l) While the history of the Catholic Church and its role in National Socialism has already been adequately analyzed, this cannot be said of the Protestant Church. A first step towards this has certainly been taken with the source texts on Austrian Protestant church history, which only appeared in 1988/1989. 2) In a case study, the history of the evangelical congregation in Krems from 1938 to 1945 is to be explained, as conclusions can be drawn from this about other congregations.)) The structural mortgage of the Austrian Protestants If not only the story in the following an evangelical congregation in general, but also in particular in its personal relationships and forms, is outlined by pastors and members of the presbytery, this should not be understood in the form in which Bishop Dr. Gerhard May formulated in defense of his church when he recalled in his letter of September 2, 1945 that under IIJan Rehmann. Churches in the NS state. Investigations on the interaction of ideological powers (Berlin 1986) p. 13. (quoted from: Walter Sauer. Österreichs Kirchen In: Emmerich Talos et al. (Ed.). NS-Herrschaft in Osterreich. Vienna 1988). 21 Gustav Reingrabner / Karl Schwarz (ed.), Source texts on the Austrian history of the Church between 1918 and 1945 (= yearbook for the history of Protestantism in Austria 104/105. Vienna 1988/1989) ..] 1 The article is based on the Researches. who were employed as part of the dissertation on Krems (completed in 1989 at the Institute for Contemporary History). and on a lecture. which was held at the annual meeting of the Society for the History of Protestantism on the Schallaburg in 1989. 301

4 the "influence of NS in recent years, according to preliminary findings, no less than (...) 46 theologians (...) have given up their studies or their office and (...) have largely left the church . "4) He sees this" waste "of 46 as" self-cleaning ". in order to at the same time declare the "healing process from an infection" to be over. The amalgamation of the Protestant Church and National Socialism was not a result of the personal decisions of a few dozen pastors and theologians. Bishop Dr. Gerhard May himself formulated it a few months later. as his Catholic ministers never did. and a "guilt of the Church for the misfortune. National Socialism brought on our people" .51 stated. ("We often talked. Where we should have been silent. And remained silent. Where we should have talked." 6 »Above all, the history of the Evangelical community in Krems reveals a structural mortgage of the Evangelical Church in Austria after the successful Counter-Reformation did not represent a grown church and only gained importance in the course of the political struggles towards the end of the last century. Protestantism was the religion of that great Germany, to which the transfigured eyes of Pan-Germans and Greater Germans looked over. This was the means of conversion seen as a possibility "to increase the power of the German Empire through the detour of religion" .7) Georg Ritter von Schönerer, who was indeed a thorn in the side of the high esteem for the Old Testament, belonged to the evangelical community in Krems since 1904 .s) Pan-Germans and Greater Germans already shaped the Protestant Ge in the founding phase meinde in Krems. The "Anschluss" and the Protestant Church in Krems The conditions for the Catholic and Protestant Church at the time of the German troops marched into Austria were very different. After all, the Catholic Church was one of the main pillars of "green competitive fascism" and the Protestant Church was oppressed and bullied and in large parts also a cover organization of the illegal NSDAP.9) The reaction to the "return to the Reich" was hymnically welcomed and distinguished by both churches only in nuances, as Walter Sauer also analyzes: If the Catholic side put the emphasis on maintaining the Catholic character of the country, the Protestants celebrated the "Anschluss" as "liberation". 101 In this context the statement of the Protestant pastor Emil Mayer "1 von Krems is to be seen, who in the" Land-Zeitung "as follows the situation., Quellente) (te (as note 2) S Ibid. S Ibid. S Manin Lorenz: The history of the evangelical community in Krems from 1848 to heule (department section from history and religion, BRG Krems 1990) 58 ropes; p. 19. MI Ibid. P. 21. See also: Gustav Re ing rab ne r. Georg Riuer von Schönerer and Prolestanlism. In: Das Waldvienel 37 (1988) S, Waller Saue r. Austria's churches (as note I) S '0, Ibid. S' "Pastor Emi1 Maye ruled this AmI in Krems between 1918 and 1947. See: Dank- und Feslschrifl. Evangelische Pfarrgemeinde Krems (Krems 1986). 302

5 entries into the Evangelical Church Percentage increase Krems Gmunden Hallein Innsbruck Salzburg Austria I0 increase 1937 / / 39 Table I: The values ​​for Krems in the Fe! * Leaving the Evangelical Church Percentage increase Krems Gmunden Hallein Innsbruck Salzburg Austria 102% 71.4% 2 o L :: == IlIIIlIIIIllII -... L ..: 2 .. 1IIIl1llllBlll ~~ IlIllIlI. ~~ IIIIIIlIlIIIBIIL ... , ... r ... :: '::::: "" "' _ IIIIIlL. --- I_1lIII ..., 48% 69% o increase 1937 / / 39 Table 2: The values ​​for Gmunden, Hallein, Innsbruck, Salzburg and Austria are taken from the source texts on Austrian Protestant church history (report by Superintendent Johannes Heinzelmann of October 27, 1942). The two tables show the rate of increase in 1937/38 and 1938/39. 303

6 tion of his church in previous years in order to demand a special role for the evangelical church: "Every rectory. Every church has sheltered illegal writings in order to protect them from the access of the Schuschniggschergen." Statistics of the evangelical community in Krems 1.11, one must even speak of a short-term flowering. In 1938, admissions to the Protestant community did not reach the level of 1934, but were significantly above the average of the previous years. In the year, people joined the Protestant Church, compared to only 43 in 1937; in the years 1934/35 there were 148 and 123 accessions. A comparison of these numbers with other municipalities can only be made to a limited extent. For example, in a report by Senior Hans Neumayer for the senior council in May) there is a list of exits and entries in some communities in western Austria, while Superintendent Johannes Heinzelmann in his report in October) roughly statistically records the situation for the whole of Austria. Based on these figures, a cautious comparison is possible, whereby it is noticeable that when comparing the percentage increase in admissions between the municipalities of Gmunden, Hallein, Innsbruck and Salzburg, the city of Krems recorded the highest increase with 183 percent. (See Table I) The flattening of the entry shaft in 1939, on the other hand, does not have such a drastic effect in Krems. Compared to the entries in 1937, only Krems (with 7 percent) and Innsbruck (with 3 percent) can post a slight increase. Compared to the Austrian average, the figures show that the selected cities were centers of Protestantism, because the growth from 1937 to 1938 was only 50 percent on average in Austria, and in the following year it was again 61 percent compared to 1937 to sink. When it comes to leaving the Protestant Church, it is noticeable that Krems lags behind the cities mentioned in terms of the increase in exits in 1938, while the values ​​in 1938 and 1939 are the same and Krems with its exits is in the middle of the field. (See Table 2) An interpretation of this religious-political "movement" on the basis of the available documents is as good as impossible. The clues that Superintendent Heinzelmann himself provides. are only vague and seem natural from today's point of view when he speaks of a strong dependency on political events and states that entries and exits were not only made for religious reasons. In his analysis, he leaves out considerations regarding admissions when he excludes "coercion from outside". He evaluates the exit movement in 1938 as "a not to be misunderstood sign of the times" when a "catchphrase (...) like that of the worthlessness of the Old Testament, the alien nature of Christianity, the inheritance of German people (...) among the Mass is thrown and ignites ”.161 Heinzelmann cites a“ pressure ”as the cause, which was exerted in order to simultaneously miss“ the inner strength of resistance and the independence of the decision ”. 12) Land-Zeitung)) Ibid. 14, source texts (as note 2) S report for the senior councilors' meeting May 31, ibid. S bl source texts (see note 2) p

7 A reference to a possible interpretation of the motives is given in a praiseworthy form in a report on a "thanksgiving service" by the evangelical pastor of Krems, Emil Mayer, in Horn in 1938. At the end of this service, Mayer thanked the participants for their appearance, whereby the mayor, the representatives of the offices and authorities and the SS are mentioned by name: "An evangelical service has never been so solemn and uplifting as the one on April 24 A large number of people volunteered to join the Evangelical Church AB. " The fact is interpreted at the beginning of the article: "The visit was so great that many who outwardly did not yet belong to the letter from Emil Mayer to the SA Standard 49 Evangelical Church, but who had been close to it for a long time there was no more free space. " 17) Unfortunately, an analysis of the entry and exit movement based on the exit and entry books of the evangelical congregation in Krem cannot be carried out, as Pastor Michael Meyer, after consulting with the church management, did not allow the author to inspect the books could. 18) The refusal does not result in the formulation of mortgages that are necessary to arrive at explanations that allow the development of parameters for local political and organizational internal mechanisms. So the general advice from Superintendent Dr. Han Eder suffices to point out that not quite 25 percent of the appearances can be traced back to those people whom he t) Land-Zeitung May 4th) Conversation with Pastor Michael Meyer from the 1st

8 "entered our church" .iyi Which means. that there was a tendency for those who left the Protestant Church to be unsustainable due to their National Socialist sentiments. There are also two prominent examples of this in Krems. The "Liberation Day" longed for In order to be able to explain the relationship of the Protestants to National Socialism in Krems, the history of the Protestant community and the political background of its leading representatives, as well as members, should now be briefly highlighted. The Protestant congregation has already longed for the "Liberation Day" postulated by Pastor Emil Mayer and has prepared accordingly. In this sense, there are no signs in the Krems community for those critical voices on the development of the Protestant Church in National Socialist Germany that were formulated by superintendent Johannes Heinzelmann in his New Year's letter and an afterword that became necessary. (In the larger Germany "over there" deooen, "who are now leaders", denied what was previously common Christian belief.) 201 After insults and attacks ("traitors to the German people"), Heinzelmann, who resigned from his post, presented his Position clear, but at the same time sticking to his warning: the "myth of the 20th century" will be a danger for the church as soon as it wants to become a religion. 2Il This tendency is also reflected in the declaration of the Evangelical Higher Church Council in Vienna to agree with yes to the planned referendum on March 13, 1938. (This call, this "voting agitation" was criticized by some personalities in a declaration to the upper church council and classified as serious damage to the reputation of the church.) In Krems, on the other hand, there are no doubts among the parishioners about the future, because the presbytery of the evangelical parish decides already in the meeting of March 7, 1938 under point 4c unanimously to purchase a swastika flag "for the purpose of contemporary flagging" 221. This meeting of the presbytery was attended by the curator Karl Reich and Messrs Franz Friedrich, Theodor Angerer, Franz Bakalasch, Litzentorfer, Löser, Julius Mandl and Walter. Based on this decision, which leaves no doubt as to the political home of the participants in this session, brief political biographies will now explain the composition of the presbytery. More details about occupation and political attitudes cannot be given for all members of the presbytery. Karl Reich was the owner of the Mohren pharmacy in Krems and had good connections to the NSDAP through his stepson Alarich Zumpfe. The fact that of the two pharmacists only Alarich Zumpfe belonged to the NSDAP2 brought the von Zumpfe pharmacy a number of new orders. 19 'Source texts (as note 2) S Official circular no. 12 of the source texts (as note 2) S Ibid. S Evangelisches Pfarramt Krems, minutes of the presbytery from) See: Landesgericht Wien, Vg. 3c Vr. 1918/45 against Alarich Zumpfe. Request from Alarich Zumpfe to Federal President Dr. Karl Renner for the merciful suppression of the people's court proceedings on October 20

9 Theodor Angerer appears in the directory of Protestant parishioners with the address Kirchengasse No. I. The publication of the members of the evangelical community began in the community newspaper in 1933. but stopped after a few continuations at the letter H without giving a reason. 241 Angerer owned a small coal shop on Eisentürgasse and belonged to SS Standard 52. This is evidenced, for example, by the memory of the Schutzbündler Adolf Zeller, who was arrested shortly after the Germans marched into Krems.When they were released after two days, the prisoners had to march past SS men - among them Theodor Angerer. 251 In the obituary of Theodor Angerer, who fell in 1940 "in faithful fulfillment of duty in the Waffen-SS in the West for people and leaders" 2 nl, he was named as one of the., First and oldest fighters in the ranks of the Schutzstaffel "271." He knew how to set an example for his men until the struggle for the threatened fatherland demanded that he die. "28) Theodor Angerer also benefited from the new circumstances. As Angerer in the" Kremser Zeitung "in August 1939, the" business relocation "of the Timber and coal trader announced on the grain market No. 7, only the Aryanization of the company of Qtto Auspitz was hidden behind it. 29) Two presbyters step down Also in the presbytery, but prevented at this meeting, sat the teacher Georg Metzger, who was responsible for the illegal The faculty had organized30), and Dr. Wolf. Both declared their departure from the evangelical congregation in 1939. Dr. Wolf reaffirmed his departure from the presbytery, since he was considered political Head of the NSDAP is not allowed to hold a position in any religious community. Lil Georg Metzger announced his resignation, as he can no longer consider himself a member of the Protestant Church as a result of his "mental attitude to the problems of the present" .321 The lawyer Dr. Like Theodor Angerer, Wolf also benefited from the expulsion of the Jews in Krems, because under these conditions he was able to buy the garden that belonged to the house of the junk dealer Ignaz Rephan. During the interrogation with the buyer of Ignaz Rephan's house, the delicatessen dealer Ignaz Dietl, he even found that Rephan had formally asked him to buy the house "because he did not want it to be owned by the lawyer Dr. Wolf Come ".3.1) From the other members of the 241 See: Community Blue of the Protestant Plarrgemeinde Krems. 14th year series to 14th year series Adolf Zeller. Interview at St. Donauwacht Ibid. 2HI Ibid. 201 OUo Auspitz appears in the list of "Jewish businesses in the administrative district of Krems" in second place. The object of the trade is specified as trade in wood of all kinds, coal, coke and regional products. Documentation archive of the öslerrichischen resistance. E (11 Cf. LG Vienna Vg Ib Vr 72/45 against Georg Metzgcr. 111 Evangelisches Pfarrarchiv Krems. Negotiating document of the meeting of the presbytery of the Evangelical Plarrarchiv Krems. Handwritten distribution from 11 October 1945 tried by Dalllgnaz. Scine Arisicrung as a favor to the Jewish neighbors are mentioned here only in passing. See LG Vienna. 33a Hg 416/45 against Ignaz Dietl. 307

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11 Kri :: l1na1? 011zei KI ',! ~ S /' :; o "13u E.; ir.31a / ~ Setr. I Dr.Hermann Sting1, ~~~~ s because of 10 connection total and incorrect AL gifts bl registration display -..._ "" ---.'- ~ 0 tri ~ cr lj against Dr.HeI'JIann S tin g 1, gE' in Krems, responsible to Krems, Protestant, married, 2 ~ illder, wchnhaft in ~~ s / donau, ringstr.31 g ~ call: lawyer. Fact stories: Dr.Her ~ ann S tin g 1 contacted the registration office for National Socialists in Krems / J. on August 30, 1945 .als: .iitg, ped "~ 'p ~ i ~ eeh_a ~ .l1,133 ~ _bis ~ 2..and a ~ s supportedl' ~ e - '!" m: t; gied ~ es NSKK una'-' : vsl'ka15 i'9'39 '"~~ ra" & ilb ~~ and further stated that he had received the commemorative medals awarded to arz 1 and that his information was complete and that his information was complete: Jr. Stingl by As is now evident from the personal file of the accused, which is available at the Presidium of the Krems District Court, Dr. Stingl was already a member of the NSDAP from 1.5.193a -nr.6, and hatt e at the management of the x3ba2 in Niederjonau. Function of a central office in charge of the Gaurechtaamte6ion. DieEc, Dr. Stingl wäh1 "erid.-a: e r-'ze" it 'nat. Soz.herrschaft made and signed by hand. from a political assessment of the district III of the Gaues Wien of the SDAP. from 1940, available from the Security Directorate for the State of NO in Vienna, it emerges that Dr Stingl was an illegal party member. This can also be seen from the fact that the job was immediately appointed provincial mayor of the city of Krems / D. at the time of the break in 1938, which function: Jr. Stingl held until August 1938 1912 member of the German Club in Vienna, which, as is well known, actively supported the illegal efforts of the 3DAP in Austria during the prohibition period. From all of this it follows that Dr Stingl was an illegal party member, i.e. falls into the group of people in the 10 of the verb. ~ S. And deliberately provided incorrect and incomplete information during his registration in order to avoid any disadvantages in the new Austria due to its illegality to suffer. By doing this he has observed himself in the sense of Article II, 8 of the Verb.Ges.3ch ~ ldiB. I: Evidence: Information in the personal file of Dr He ~ ann 3tingl, available from the Presidium of the Krems / Danube District Court Political assessment regarding Dr Stingl, available from the security directorate fdland Nvin Vienna I., Herrengasse 11 Inquiries to the NS- Registration office Krems / Donau. 1. Complaint against Dr. Hermann stingl 309

12 A Statistical Experiment on the Relationship between Protestantism and National Socialism in Krems How high the proportion of illegal party members was in the community cannot be precisely determined due to incomplete lists of both the community members and the illegal NSDAP and their branches. If numbers are mentioned in the following, this is only an attempt at quantification, which is started on a not very solid ground. In the documents of the KPÖ Krems there were two undated lists, which apparently originate from the work of the denazification commission. The list of illegal Nazi prisoners includes 91 names, those of illegal party members 425 names. When looking through the lists, it is noticeable that people who have already had legal proceedings do not appear, and there are also no dead or dead, which were of no relevance to the current political discussion. These loopholes were partially supplemented by lists of names resulting from legal proceedings against the illegal SA. The list of the published members of the evangelical community of the letters Abis Hanna includes 68 people for Krems. Ten of them can be described as illegal National Socialists according to the documents outlined above. Ing. Franz Haider, who does not appear in the lists as an illegal National Socialist, but had already advertised his company in 1929 with a large advertisement in the newspaper of the NSDAP Krems with the addition: "Aryan company" would have to be added. Based on these data, it could be said that around 16% of the members of the Protestant community in 1933 can be attributed to the NSDAP. The evaluation of the "HJ card index" from Krems documents about a percentage of ideological preference for National Socialism is also provided by the card index of the National Socialist youth movement (Jungvolk, Jungmädel, HJ and BDM). The author was able to locate and evaluate this card index, which was not destroyed due to unexplained circumstances and was stored in the premises of the KPÖ Krems. A total of 3463 green cards are stored in two cardboard boxes with a length of 50 centimeters, whereby these are not only the members of the youth movement of the city of Krems, but also the surrounding communities - more than a dozen communities were created when the Gau capital Krems was created incorporated were taken into account. The surname, first name, date and place of birth, religious denomination, entry date, membership number, exit date and the reason for leaving are noted on the cards. The cards are partly filled in by machine and partly by hand. The pre-printed form for these index cards differs in one point: about half of the cards, one box, do not have the religious creed. All in all, completely filled out cards could be evaluated for this study in 1970. Of these persons recorded in this card index, 96.7 percent declared that they belonged to the Roman Catholic Church, 2.6 percent stated that they were Protestants. The truth. Mineilungsblan of the NSDAP Krems. Oklober

13 Evaluation of the HJ card index of Krems according to religious knowledge, 7% 2.6% 98.9% 1.1% OW- ~ ..l ._---, ... L. ~ _ "" "_- --.-- J ,,; ';;;;; "" "' '' Religious Belcenn1nis Delayed entry into the Hitler Youth Illegals 97.4% 2.5% Resigned ID Ka1holisch Evangelisch I Table 3: When evaluating the HJ card index only the information on the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant Church were evaluated. Since the proportions of "believers in God" and Old Catholics are negligible due to the low statistical values, they are not shown in the graph. 0.6 percent is considered to be a believer in God and 0.1 percent as Old Catholic. (Table 3) Of these roughly 2,000 boys and girls, 151 were members of the HJ or BDM before 1938. Among these "illegals" the Protestants were clearly overrepresented compared to the total percentage of 14.4 percent. The percentage overlaps with the result comparison between the list of illegal NS members and the parishioners of the evangelical parish. At the same time, the delay in joining a National Socialist youth movement was also raised. As a rule, boys and girls from their 10th birthday were usually given to the "Führer" on the day of Adolf Hitler's birth. In an interview in the Krems area, the author was aware that there had been isolated attempts by parents to delay this accession. In the recorded target group, 295 people did not join the National Socialist youth movement on their 10th birthday. In this case, the prototypes are underrepresented with 1.1 percent. The fact that the reason for leaving, in contrast to the delayed entry, should not be politically motivated can be seen on the one hand from the "Reason" column, which is sporadically filled. In this group of 78 people, the prototypes are represented with 2.6 percent according to their overall representation. Against this background, the characterization that the SS newspaper, the "Schwarze Korp", brought about the Protestant Church in Austria in June 1938 also fully applies to the community in Krems. The Krems community sheet printed out pages from the article, "as it can be assumed that not all of our readers are subscribers to the sheet mentioned" 40): "The Protestant Church in Austria did not first make itself available to the National Socialist German state when it was ready to become a reality. She received from her 40) parish newspaper of the evangelical parish of Krem, episode 7-9, July to September

14 norne ..: vr._ Reingard Uomome ~ 926. in UJo ~ r.ort street Uetuf Krems. r 11. UJ elnge tr t In Jm om ärrmie [cn om ousgerctjlorrcn om .._-_ Gtunb: Krems Frauenberg Slomm fijtuum In BI-lg-em -.- l1] tŪ-mn! ..-.:. U: .:. ie:.:. n:.:, [t:.: o,: U.:. Sm ..; ... ri ..:, s_n_r_ 1 Then (Uf.) Get. tm Gf.1 S6 ~ nt. ljm GL) Name: * "." "d _ / First name: ~ ~. Place: (/9~;.f.':.1';f. '.;'". SlraBe:? rh- ~. ' ; Ih: 0 :: '~. TeleCon: 11 Applicants: li-candidate: li-man :. 1I-S1urmmann: II RottenCührer: ... II UnffrscbarCührer: ... ~ :: f. -Fll:? .. II-ScbarCührer: ... II OberscbarCübrer: II-Hanplsebarfübrer :. jugelcilt ju II Unle1'61urmCührer :. überccmie [cn in 1I-0berslurmCührer :. Dtucft lljrobot DOr1t, mlrn l} .sg II HauplalurmCührer :. . 9loll1t ~ ornqme meboron om 'lllo ~ nort K rt E ur S ad D 0 Strasse \ 1erthe1r.1strasse 2. in Kre,' ls a / Donau AU.! Religion ev ~ mg. HB 'lirruf Gy :: mashm Cfingelrth! R am I ~ .. 91 I; lllltqheb r.: Di.n! Uong 1. AU {) ust U0896 ousgerctjirbcn om, .._- '--_..._- SERVICE: ~~ k':?: fb ~ .. UNIT: ~ s:. ~. J, ~ - ~~ ...: 5. '.: .. l..Z - ..' "H ADBweia no. Aü ~ rernummer lliu5gelreten am übenoie! .N ~! Ru ~ .n ber! Ljiilgli.bld ) ofl ousgeld) lofl.n 63runb _! Bcnm UnlCfbon "Unln" ou "1" "." luppr. "I: j, o <" ,,,, ~! Il U fg index cards from the HJ card index of Krems: Reingard W. and Erika M. Excerpt from the file of lawyer Dr. Dtto Mühlwerth 312

15 German attitude made no secret, even in the illegal time, and their pastors could not imagine any pastoral care that would have avoided the fact in abstract subtlety that the souls to be cared for were German souls and their suffering was primarily a German one. " .41) 1 "Conspired to the Führer ..." Biographical notes on Pastor Emil Mayer Pastor Emil Mayer took care of the "German souls" in Krems. Born in Salulmare in Bukowina in 1887 as the 12th child of a family of professors, he came in the course of his theology studies to Vienna421, where he got a foothold in order to get the post of vicar in Krems as one of 12 applicants. Emil Mayer was elected pastor of Krems on August 24, 1918. 43) In two lectures in Krems, the were printed in the "Land-Zeitung", Emil Mayer explained his understanding of the "völkische (n) duty" and summarized: "There is no Protestant pastor in Austria who would not have helped the Bef ration hour of March 12th. "44) In his remarks Emil Mayer sees" the future of our church anchored in this national community ". - That unreserved allegiance does not just mean veneration becomes clear in the affirmation of the readiness "to live for him, to fight and, if need be, to die". 45) Certain party circles may have mistrusted this commitment, because in the same breath Mayer said a little resignedly: "One shouldn't forget that (...), one shouldn't say today: an association like everyone else. We didn't deserve that ".46! The close ties between the NSDAP and the Protestant congregation and their pastor are not a coincidence in Krems, but are due to the membership structure, the work and the political attitude of Pastor Emil Mayer. Pastor Emil Mayer assesses the importance of the "Führer" in history as a "reformer of Christian deed" Y) The Protestant pastor knows about the problem of the comparison between the "two great historical personalities Christ and Hitler", but he is already employing him there In the Bible it can be read, "that one like the other appears sent into the world by God himself as a messenger of truth". 48) _ Emil Mayer had also fulfilled his "national duty" before 1938, and so he is also represented with an article in the anthology "Evangelical Pastors in the National Struggle for Freedom", in which he uses the example of the death and burial of SA chief troop leader Franz Klausl reports on Schuschnigg's "time of violence" and writes of a "hope" "that kept us going back then and that has now been so brilliantly fulfilled" .49) ~ II Ibid. ~~ I Interview with Herwig Mayer Manin Lore nz. The history of the evangelical community in Krems (see note 7) p. 27. ~., Land-Zeitung ~ 51 Land-Zeitung, Ibid. 7, Land-Zeitung ~ I Ibid. ", Waller Ende s fe Ide r (ed.). Protestant pastors in the völkisch freedom struggle of the Ostmark and the Sudetenland (Berlin 1939). The meaning. which was attributed to the murder of Franz Klausl on the part of the Protestant community. can also be read from the project. to erect a monument to him. (See Kremser Zeitung) 313

16 Emil Mayer's love for the "German people" was not given just before 1938, because in an article in the "Land-Zeitung" in 1923 he railed with a powerful chauvini mu against the "fraudulent policy of violence of the Franzmann" 50) who brought "shame" to a "defenseless people".But despite the dramatic situation ("ot! Ot! Ot!" Is the title of an article), Mayer is not afraid because the "shattering of Germany" will "disgust the unity and steadfastness of the German people". 51) Pastor Emil Mayer not only believed in the German people, but also read and distributed the writings of his “Savior”. Mayer knew what was to be read about Judaism in “Mein KampF” because he was active himself As a prelude: "Evangelical parish Krem. On Tuesday, 31st of the 7:00 pm Women's Circle; Pastor Mayer lie tau Hitler, Mein KampF. On Friday, February 3rd, 8:00 pm in the Ga twirtchaft Dietl on the first floor of our Federal evening. "52) Occasionally Pastor Mayer is said to have used" Mein KampF "as a basis for his sermons, as a contemporary witness remembers. 53) That a pastor with the intellectual background could not be willing Jews or" Aryans "who who were married to Jews, to help, only has to be seen as the practical implementation of his thinking. Kurt Hruby, who was a "half-Jew" after the "Nürnberger Ras ege etz", remembers having intervened for a woman with Pastor Mayer who This is an immigrant Protestant woman Romania was and was married to, a "SchaF Franek. 54) "Of course Mayer didn't help the woman, he didn't give her any- ~ , ~ ,, I / SOl Land-Zeitung ~ Il Ibid. 521 Land-Zeitung 29. \ Manin Lore nz, The history of the evangelical congregation in Krems (see note 7) p. 41. ~ I It was probably about Alfred Schaffranek (born 1899), who was deported to Dachau in 1938. His wife Regine (née Lökor ) tarb in Weimar in 1939. See: Hannelore Hruschka. The history of the Jews of Krem (phi \. Diss., Vienna 1978) 2nd vol

17 a baptismal certificate issued. The only thing he said to her: if you have lived with a Jew for so long, then for me you are also a Jew: the woman then found it difficult to get hold of a baptismal certificate, she had to write somewhere in Romania. "511 A striking detail which political dimensions can stand behind two entries in the baptismal register of the evangelical congregation can be found in the case of Oskar Wolters, in which it is noted with the date of August 23, 1943 that he "indicated the acceptance of the legal first name Israel (underlined)" It was not until July 8, 1946, that Emil Mayer noted again that this first name had been deleted. s6) For Mayer, anti-Semitism was part of the joy of being Protestant. In the appeal on the occasion of the memory of the Reformation in 1936, Mayer said: "And still, dear Brothers and sisters in faith, even if your heart sometimes becomes heavy, lift your head and be of good cheer and rejoice in being a Protestant. You see the enemy at work and you must not despair. You see how Judah sends its terrible poison from the east into the world, whispers into hearts, making them lame and cold and dead. "S7) That Pastor Meyer not only has a close intellectual relationship to National Socialism, but a complete one Identification has to be spoken, can be deduced beyond the material already presented from the design of the churches at various festive services. At the already mentioned "Thanksgiving Service" on April 24th in Horn on the simple table altar "was the picture of our guide" in the middle ", which at that time was regarded as" sensible jewelry "S8). For Krems, from the memories of contemporary witnesses it is handed down that the pulpit was decorated with a swastika flag. S9) Politics did not stop with Pastor Mayer in the religious court. A schoolgirl remembers that Pastor Mayer tried to explain to the students the Aryan origin of Christ, which is already evident in his facial features en clearly stand out. 60) "He was a convinced National Socialist who could hardly be dissuaded by anything that his church and National Socialism had to be one. He spoke like Hitler, in style, but not as skillfully. He was firmly convinced until the end he spoke of the final victory, he believed in it. He was stubborn until then, and when it was over, a world should have collapsed for him. "61) Gathered in the church" on watch "A blatant example of the abuse of the church for Indoctrination62l offers the change of the confirmation liturgy. Pastor Mayer asked the confirmands: "Do you always want to be in awe of what is above you: Before God and 551 cure! Hruby. Interview on the baptismal register of the Evangelical Church of Krems S Gemeindeblall. 18th year. Episode I. January p. 6. 5MI Land-Zeitung W, conversation with Günther Richter on the "'' 'Interview with Prof. Dr. Waltrdud Lorenz. lead! at Oli Ibid. 021 Mal1in Lo re nz. The history of the evangelical community in Krems (see note 7) p. 41 f. 315

18 Y. b. b 13i ~ natiunalfuli, llillifdlc lt) uljlalllul! lfal! rt (ß..i.It).) ill ~ Ill 'fllli l'lrcil, am1llln ßut in liel "' 111lt, HII a l !! illll ~, 1l11Cll; lie ill ba! n illlilanllc,! tlclln jellct ~ UllI6 'dl \ ~ nl1lre HIt bdltitt. ie, »ic nillllnt lialllit ll ~ n OstmorMeutidun! d" liloclirdl ~ n 16 ~ I11dnllCllllIlIIlll'ulicllial Q ~ ] liil'ful "o ~ cinfdllieli1h1l li ~ il.ih) int ~ d ~ ilrlllll ~~ ha AU; li, mllll ßd! Ül "t icli ~ t l !! il1l1ilßelird! ~ ill illre l {ei1lcll! <» rmfinbrblatt On rbanorllfetlrn: PlarrgrmrlnOr ~ rtm ~ an Otr: Danube \, "; o Ci ~ i HUnI; a. b. n., no \ lc'tnbc'f., 3 I 1 '. Jll ~ r,:! ilnrrr njllnalsfvl "lldj:" tillllrt I1n im "turl! u» i ,,, tt IIt l "nlrr ß} unatali ~ lI: .1Wlldl '" b1l1j.1il1f11l liirill hr "

19 The .. defiant oath ". Which was spoken by all five confirmands. Made everything clear: .. you no longer put out the blazing fire. Germany. We are loyal to you." H ~ 1 The evangelical congregation - a branch of the NSV Im March 1939 advised the presbytery. whether the Luthersaal should be made available to the NSV-Ortsgruppc Krems as a bar for the office. A rent of 15 RM was set as a condition. whether this rental actually took place. there is no reference to this in the logs. MI The commandment "You shouldn't lie" is unlikely to have accepted Pastor Emil Mayer for his own past in 1945. In his testimony in the people's court case against Alarich Zumpfe, Mayer presented it as a rumor that he had the illegal Nazi membership card in custody . Since he had been careful to make the church available for non-ecclesiastical activities. h71 Accordingly, the NSV may have been a part of the Protestant community. At least for the time ... during "the Anschluss, Mayer admits. to have felt like a National Socialist ... mainly because of that. to improve the position of our small parish. "hhi Pastor Mayer - blindness caused by" idealism "Pastor Mayer's son remembers that National Socialism was not a topic of conversation at all. The events of the war have already been discussed with regard to the catastrophe of Affected people. Captivity. Injuries. Death. From the standpoint of Christian charity. "h'll The confrontation with the atrocities of National Socialism continued with Pastor Emil Mayer. so his son, only after 1945 one. Herwig Mayer specifically remembers a conversation between his father and a cousin ... Both were so upset. that there is such a thing. Then later I asked myself. dan that was really possible. because you didn't know anything? I believe. they really didn't know anything. because when they discussed that. they were among themselves. they didn't have to pretend. " any case. my father was downright upset. when it happened again. because there was a concentration camp. the numbers of people who were killed. he couldn't even imagine It was a real, severe shock for him: 'The road to this shock was long, because at the beginning Emil Mayer was of the opinion that the reports from the "former enemies" were being circulated about Hitler and his regime to defame. 711 Herwig Mayer tries to explain this selective perception of the reality of National Socialism on the basis of a blindness for the environment created by an idealism. who .. could not or would not see. that hj, ibid. '' '' 'Protestant Plarrarchiv. Minutes of the presbytery from 7th ... l h ', cf. note n testimony of Emil Mayer dated l hm, ibid. h4, interview with Herwig M aye r. 711, ibid. 71, ibid. 317

20 the matter is different ".7 2) Whether it is tantamount to an evaluation of the evangelical congregation and its pastor that the mayor of the district of Krem Mayer made an offer to take over the leadership of the registry office. 73) t!: '"prj ~. : ji'4 & ail: ~~ -d 1 ~ t) ~ G5: \; ~ ~: C: 1cntat I ~ G. Ci: ;; -: '.: - ~ /PfP:d..-, cvang ~ 1. S: lp-ri "Ielld-.n! LIr tb l'rj;: ~ _i: i .. '! J ~ Z.' f11 () I <.o ... ~ tI ... di / ~. . '.. ~ h'I'> 'll' "'/"' "fh." '~ J ... i; .4' f).,.,; ..., t. \: h- - / o.'m., .... i:, ... I, ~] ~. /. " / '/. \ ./ l. / Letter from Pastor Emil Mayer, in which he announces that his proceedings have been discontinued because of the violation of the S-Prohibition Act 72) Ibid. 73) Evangelical parish archives Krems, negotiation paper of the presbytery of According to a message from the current pastor Michael Meyer, Emil Mayer had already prepared a retirement, but then did not take over the post as registrar. Conversation police from

21 The assessment. that the Evangelical Church was a refuge for the National Socialists. was about the facts already given for the Kremser who searched the church after the end of the war. evident from a suitcase find. There were loads of SS emblems and Nazi paraphernalia in these suitcases. Pastor Emil Mayer happened to come across these National Socialist props at least: .. A broad relative asked us. to be able to set the suitcases with us. we didn't look in and just put them in the cellar. "7 ~ j Shortly before the end of the war, Emil Mayer prevented his son from taking part in the search for escaped prisoners from the Stein prison - more than 300 prisoners were murdered in the course of this action. .. The propaganda has apparently succeeded brilliantly in depicting the war opponents as potential enemies of our lives. We would obviously have let ourselves be hired for everything. It still fills me with horror today how one can influence young people like this at this outbreak The spell leaders wanted us youngsters to help with the search. We would have done that and hadn't considered that it would have hurt their shirt. At that time my father strictly said: 'You don't take part'. "75! At the end of the war, Pastor Emil Mayer left Krems with two sons and a housekeeper for Zwettl in Upper Austria. And so on June 22nd a fellow believer from the Krems area reported "that Pastor Mayer fled with his family. The rectory had been plundered and devastated and the church was badly damaged. 76) The announcement of the Upper Church Council in Goisern on September 25th said : .. Pastor Mayer has returned to his parish in Krems after he was missing for more than four months. "77! In September 1945, Mayer sent a request to the municipality of Krems to determine whether he was required to be registered. in which he asserted that he was not a member of the NSDAP before 1933. Only in 1939 would a member of the church council have suggested to him - because of the relationship with Germany. that membership is beneficial for the community. Mayer's statements are vague: ... Back in 1936 I probably went to someone. whose name I neither know nor do I anymore. whether he the nat. social organization headed (...). explained. that I report to the P'drtei. which he has also taken note of. (...) I also never considered myself a member of the NSDAP. "7k) Even while the investigation against Emil Mayer was ongoing because of his Nazi membership, he was given permanent retirement on September 1st, 1946 on the basis of a medical certificate. According to the registration sheet of 1947, Emil Mayer was classified as less exposed, since he was only considered a candidate for a party between 1936 and 1945. 79) Despite this formal clearance certificate, however, the church authorities refrained from leaving Mayer in Krems October 1948 transferred to the Protestant pastor's office in Naßwaid. KU! 7., Interview with Herwig Mayer. ", EbJ. 7 ", documents read personal files of Emil Mayer in the archive read Evangelical Upper Church Council Church A. and H. B. Vienna. 77, source texts (as note 2) S declaration of the 11th official circular from", Ebll. Shouts from Emil Mayer to the registration office from, Ehll. Declaration of the office of the Nii. State government from M. "", Ehll. Erlall M5! D / 4M from

22 Hs ~ 60 / 4j hearing of witnesses. "", hut ,, "h '?'AJp' ~ / - 11J Krei ~ ericht} .rams <:>. dd on: .LDe:.: eu; over b4: j Start: o'clock. Presently g: Richter: 1GHl: it Brusch Secretary: VB.Sul er CRIMINAL MATTER against lbrl and [arie Reich Der Stuff; - is admonished to state the pure truth to the best of his knowledge and belief in response to questions to be directed to him and to file his testimony in such a way that he can confirm it on oath if necessary 7. Place of residence: He states about his personal circumstances: 1. First name and surname: ~ mil l {ef er 2nd age: 5b yr 3rd place of birth : Sätuh'C1re, llu.!: Lc .. 'üen 4. Creed: ei.a3. 5. Marital status: ge - .; c.:b. 6. Employment: P: wr cl ". Krelr.s (;. '. J..u., I \ er: ..; c.:h"e:ulerslr.j 8. Relationship. To the accused or to other persons involved in the investigation: tiuc .: h.fürne: .ll J l ~ j StjO .: Der ir ::; wbe: ,,; cf.lulcic: lc iut since C & .J \., ", il. dll: ser:" eit hel ~ E; .t;.: mt.'! {e1: ,, ::; "i ::; ~ e ::::; h ':' ~ t: n:> ic.:rl die l.:escl'ulji i.; ce: 1, i ,, - md: ": ';' tier 'hlbul .: : i;: clt n1t :: iwl ~ .ht.e! 1l \. 'le:; c.tlo: .ul: "; uz1u ~ 1 ::; tls <" :: 1.bc, tti: 1t1bt. .., / ell: 1 llill Ut :: L. ulh LQ: iJ: .Ie1ttllnti VULeIl <.ol ;; en, 111'.l, 1: 1..l ':::. c .. t ~ "c.: .. l, - !: l,", c11. "U.ll, c: c ..; ~" wh "n. ;;;; {eluu;,:.;:." it illdbc.üe! '; "ll. 1' . ran clzcl'lc;. "ll", c. :: a:! Clldnt, e..el:.: e uü c ':: l: ", ... cc! j ,, , .d, jen! idl: lta '- ,,,, ti,; "." ,;'; llt .. -: ._ ;;:; i -llc 1..1t c l1e.lerj._l tel -.lcl;. a :: 'l 1 :: f ~ j.hi.j.: uu ~ .bc!: aut.!; c ..:. l-0 = 1 ~ ü.j.l, ~ o ~ ln ..:. ~ ~,: e! t ... c ~ j ~ c, "" l ~ 1:.: hc: l: n;! .. :: ltic "';' t;!. \ i.::~ i '; j ~ li.';! 'il..ti'jl' ":. t:; jel-.le! f1 ~~ t:} ~ I ~ -.; - a: l ~ id! ~ u. '!! ~. Jic 1, ir.c.: I ~ f: _I ..!. : li1;:. ~ i,.,:! .- ;. "--- Witness hearing of Pastor Emil Mayer 320

23 After 1945 Pastor Mayer was only classified as a "party candidate". At the beginning of the empire, which was to last a thousand years, Mayer and his presbytery made sure that when new employees were hired in the evangelical congregation, only those who were on the ground were considered of the Third Reich. This is how the presbytery formulated it when the parish was informed by the senior church council that it would be assigned a clerical helper.HII Already in the case of Emil Mayer's lectures and lectures, the agreement with the fascist state became clear. That this was reflected not only in lectures outside the church, not only in cooperation with the NSV. but also shaped the church life of the community, will be shown on the basis of an analysis of the discontinuation books H21. The "Gemeindeblatt" - No space for the verse of the month Before the analysis of the discontinuation books is carried out, the influence on church life - as it is reflected in the "Gemeindeblatt" - should be discussed. The "Gemeindeblatt" devoted its title page twice to advertising for the "National Socialist People's Welfare (NSV)". In July / September 1938 this even led to the fact that there was not even room for the announcement of the otherwise customary verse and song of the month. H]) Of course, the programmatic declarations of the church leadership were also printed in the parish gazette. For example the "Appeal to the Church People" of the Lower Austrian Evangelical Senior Citizens' Council AB, in which it says about the behavior of the Evangelical Church that it "shouted to the glorious act of freedom of the leader sent by God, who was allowed to bring his homeland back home to the great German father house ". 841 This declaration also vows to obey the Führer "without reservation" after the Evangelical High Church Council A and B had already proposed on March 16 that a similar passage should be included in the church constitution as an obligation for pastors. H51 Songs at the Right Time - An Analysis of Discontinuation Books In these books the pastor records songs, passages from the Bible, and communications to the congregation. These books represent a previously neglected source, as they can be used to emphatically demonstrate the instrumentalization of songs for political purposes. When dealing with this structure of church life, it must be taken into account that the songs and the sermon content were given for some services. The combination of the songs for the service on March 13, 1938 is programmatic. The three songs come from the chapters "Sunday of the Dead", "Patriotic Days", "I, Evangelical Parish Archives Krems. Negotiating document of the presbytery of the" ~, Evangelical Parish Office Krems. Discontinuation books. 2 vols. "" Community sheet of the evangelical Ptarrgemeinde Krems. 19th year. Episode 7-9. July to September page I and following November 11th page I. "", community blue of the evangelical parish Krems. Volume 19, April 4th episode "" Parish journal of the evangelical parish of Krems. Volume 19. Episode 6 June S. I. The wording reads: .. I will be loyal and obedient to the leader of the German Reich Adolf Hitler. observe the laws and conscientiously fulfill my Amlspnichl. so help me God. "321

24 Extract from the Krem discontinuation book, April 15, 1938 (All photos: private archive Roben Extract from the Krem discontinuation book, April 23, 1939! Vienna) "Thanks, praise and please". Pastor Emil Mayer began the first Sunday on which the German tanks were just rolling in the direction of Vienna, the Kremser national socialites had occupied the offices and made the first arrests, with a song for the Sunday of the dead. This is not a way of anticipating what would come to be understood. Since song number 204 according to the wise, heartfelt desire for me "begins with the words:" Lord, who guided fate with strong hands, let the war and ot end, the peace was given (...) " 86) The second stanza can be interpreted as a bow for the victims in the struggle for the "connection" if one considers Mayer's description of the murder of Franz Klau I, whereby the acclaimed "resurrection" makes more sense could be proehen: "Oh, how much young life there was in bloom, it was given in death for the fatherland; It had to die for the future resurrection, when all of God's heirs would go into new life. "87) The importance Mayer attached to this March 13th becomes clear in the second song (r. 197) 88) after the white "Un danket all" clearly, as it is only intended for "special celebrations". In the fourth stanza e there means - which could be related to the year 0011 of the foot / schu chnigg dictatorship: 'Lord God, we praise you, who we in long Mb' hymn book for the evangelical church Augsburg confessions in Austria Austria (Vienna 81957) S Ibid. 88JEbd.S.1I1. 322

25 years of arms experienced a heavy yoke and bad grief. Now our mouths boast with heartfelt eagerness: Praise God! we are at rest; Lord God. We thank you. "s9) The staging of this service towards a brilliant climax can be read not only from the songs but also from the choice of stanzas. Mayer added the seventh stanza of the same song as the next song, in which the wish was expressed is bestowed ... that we will always live in good rest in the future ".90i As a conclusion, the" Praise the Lord "(No. 359) 911 is sung, in which people are called to" come up "to wake up The organization of the "Thanksgiving Service" on April 18th was regulated by the Oberkirchenrat, who also suggested the use of flags, the invitation of the party offices, the Bible text and a specially written prayer, which among other things says: “Protect and keep the Führer through your strong hand.” 921 The program of the sermons was given by “indications” from Superintendent Dr. Hans Eder that it was a matter of "joy" on t the deepest grounding and expression. what our whole people sensed: It is the living God himself who has acted on our homeland and on our people in the last few weeks. The leader was the executor of the divine will. "9 ~ 1 In the following year. 1939, the day of the" liberation ", which fell conveniently on a Sunday, was again celebrated with songs for" patriotic days ". just like April 23, to which Mayer adds: Geb. d. Fuehrer's ".94) Two days after Germany's attack on Poland, Mayer gave the fights his blessing and a higher meaning in the selection of the songs, and moreover spreads confidence that should also take away the fear of death." Therefore we do not fear them, who can only kill the body. Hail to us that no sword and spell can kill free spirits. "951 The connection of this confidence to the song" Let, before we go, join us firmly, clap our hands, big and small "96) represents a" prayer for the leader "97) Since there are no references to the sermon texts of Pastor Emil Mayer, please refer to the contradicting .. references" of the superintendent Dr. Hans Eder referred to the "situation after the outbreak of the Second World War". While on September 1, 1939 he warns against “general idioms” and says: “Therefore our sermon cannot be Christocentric enough now” 9sl, and in January 1940 he reminded him: “We will not preach about national virtues in wartime expected "991, in September 1940 he was full of enthusiasm for the war successes:" Our heart MY, Ibid. 'X "Ibid. '11, ibid. S '> C, source texts (as note 2) Erlall of the Evangelical Upper Church Council from Y', references to the sermon content in the service on by Dr. Hans Eder. ibid. S'I, Evangelical Parish Archives Krems. Discontinuation books. He also noted this in 1940 at the service on April 20. "~ 'Hymns for the Evangelical Church. Song No. 491: God is our confidence". '1 / "Ibid. S. 8. '17, Evangelisches Pfarrarchiv Krems. Discontinuation books.'," Source texts (as note 2) S Official Circular No. 10 from the outbreak of the Second World War. especially concerning the sermons. '' ', Ehd. P. 55 !!. Amlshrüderliehes circular series no. 15 from 19.I

26 is full of warm thanks to God! Our thanks to the Wehrmacht under the ingenious direction of the Fuehrer are no less great. (...) In a chain everything depends on the strength of each individual link. And so we want to do our service in full readiness for the people as a whole. "I () ()) With the non-fighting entry of the German troops into Paris on June 14, 1940, the fascist state reached its greatest development Day "there is no longer any need for confidence in songs. Because it seems certainty. Song No. 501 is probably intended for self-assurance, in which the second and fourth verses say:" Nothing is late and early for all of mine Trouble, my worries are in vain (...) if I live according to his sentences, nothing will hurt me, nothing will be missing that will be of use to me forever. "101) In the annual report 1940/41 of the evangelical congregation, published on May 5th, there is encouragement already necessary. "Again and again it is necessary to give us courage in the difficult war fate that the enemies of German life and style have forced upon us." i (2) Ultimately, we also pray for the victory of the "earthly powers of the order of justice". The I Interpretation of the song lyrics in view of the confrontation with the political events can only offer one variant of the approach. In this sense it is also questionable whether passages in song number 407 "I know: in whom I believe", which Emil Mayer had sung in the first service after the attack on the Soviet Union, do not contain a certain criticism of this decision. ...) I know what remains forever, where everything wavers and falls, where delusion drives the wise and deceit keeps the wise. "1031 When Stalingrad finally fell in February 1943, song no. 161 according to the wise" It is salvation us "has a different meaning, as it says at the beginning:" The enemies of your cross threaten to destroy your kingdom, Lord. "i04) A week later only songs from the section" Trust in God and consolation in suffering "were on the Program: "I will always build my happiness on God and not on my advice." 105) "Commit your ways and whatever offends your heart, the most faithful care of the one who guides heaven;" 106) "Leave in all my deeds I advise the highest. "OK?) In the 1943/44 annual report, war is already normal, who doesn't seem to disturb the way things are going. ("Despite the totalitarian war, everything continued its course and the community was not damaged.") The relationship to "party and state" is described as "unchanged good". "Ios) After the unsuccessful assassination attempt on Hitler is the first Song on Sunday, July 23, 1944, "Oh God, you pious God", a song of thanks, in 1001 Ibid. S Official Circular No. 21 from the hymn book for the Evangelical Church. S) Evangelical Parish Archive Krems. Annual Report of the Evangelical Congregation 1940 / 41. Reports on the hymn book for the Evangelical Church. S Ibid. S Ibd. S Ibid. S Ibd. S Evangelical Parish Archives Krems. Annual Report 1943 /

27 which it is called the same. that we have everything from God: "A healthy body gives me (...)." 1091 A comparison of the songs of Easter in 1938 and 1945 shows again. as the political events may have determined the choice of songs, because in 1945 the "hero in the dispute" is not on the agenda, now the great "Easter prince" is required to show "how one can die happily and rise happily". 110) Not quite a week after the bombing raid on Krems, on April 2, 1945, things come full circle. On the first Sunday after the invasion, a song from the section "Sunday of the Dead" was sung under a different auspices (honoring the fighters for the "liberation"). The dead were to be mourned in the city. The song number 472 "Oh God forsake me not" must therefore be interpreted like an outcry, in which the "hands of grace" are requested. The last song that was sung in this church - according to the records - in the fascist state, already conjured the "time after": "Hope, O you poor soul, hope and be courageous; God will get you out of the cave Sorrow plagues, moving with great grace; just wait for the time and you will see the sun of the most beautiful Freud. "III) According to the entry, the next service was not held again until September 2, 1945. Open Questions - Parameters for Comparison At the end of this essay, there are a lot of open questions. To be aware of this fact also means to accept the process character of historical research. With this study of a Protestant congregation during the time of National Socialism, an attempt was made to give an impetus for further investigations into the relationship between National Socialism and the Protestant Church. As long as the entry and exit registers cannot be viewed, assumptions have to be made about the composition of the group of people who joined the Evangelical Church in 1938 and those who turned their backs on it in the following years. Using the example of Krems it could be shown that in comparison to other cities and places in 1938 an above-average percentage turned to the Protestant community. Is that an indicator of the religious pressure during the Schuschnigg dictatorship, which made people look for an alternative after the forced end of this system? Is this a measure of the acceptance of the political behavior of the city's leading Protestants? An exit wave began almost parallel to the entry wave. According to the previous investigations in other congregations, one cannot speak of any polarization of the congregation, as could perhaps be assumed, for example, that of the 1933/34 after the suppression of the February uprising and the establishment of the "estates dictatorship" of the Protestant Who joined the church, resigned in 1938/39 in protest against the pro-regime stance. There is a tendency to speak of the parishioners who were politically active in the NSDAP and its branches turning their backs on the church. 10'11 ibid. S, ibid. Song No. I'm going to your grave ". S Ibid. Song No. Command you your ways". S.