Which Adam became president

Hermann Wellenreuther JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 1825 - 1829 Foreign Policy Leader and President of the Parties John Quincy Adams is one of those 19th century politicians who are perhaps the most difficult to understand because of the wealth of testimonies they left about themselves. He was born on July 11, 1767 in Braintree, Massachusetts, the eldest son of John Adams, the second President of the United States, and his strong-willed wife Abigail. Three major influences shaped his life: firstly, belonging to one of the great old, politically extremely influential families in New England. Second, the culture of the region, which not only filled him with a heightened sense of duty and high moral and Christian values, but also gave him the self-righteousness and inability to establish and maintain intimate relationships with other people that made him into a little loved, often feared politician, but consistently respected because of his integrity and extensive knowledge, especially in the years before and after his presidency. Thirdly, the politician Adams was also shaped by the fact that he spent most of his youth and the decisive years of apprenticeship as a politician in Europe. At the age of seventeen he had already been to Holland, Prussia, Russia, Denmark and England with his father, and from 1794 he represented his country as envoy in The Hague. During these trips and stays, he not only acquired a great deal of knowledge at schools and universities, but also became familiar with the European balance of power and the problems of the individual courts. These experiences made him the most astute and far-sighted American foreign politician of his time. As foreign minister, Adams emphasized the national independence of the USA in the international concert of powers, which conceptually linked him to James Monroe; This national attitude was certainly also a reaction to the condescension with which noble European diplomats treated the representatives of the American republic. The three big influences made a difficult mix: Adams was outwardly controlled, cool, sharp-tongued to hurtful, always knowledgeable, well-read and hard-working. Self-centered, he always applied criticism to himself personally. In contrast to his wife, he was averse to sociability and domesticity, but equally attentive to politics and private studies. Duty and regularity are words he often used in his diaries. With his wife Louisa Catherine Johnson, who came from a wealthy tobacco merchant family from London and Maryland, he shared affection, but hardly any more. They were married on July 26, 1797 in London. After a youth characterized by many journeys, at the request of his parents, Adams trained as a lawyer with one of the leading lawyers in Massachusetts after graduating from Harvard College and then opened an initially unsuccessful law firm in Boston. He first became known to a wider public through his journalistic involvement in the controversy between Edmund Burke and Thomas Paine. Paine had responded to Burke's critical Reflections on the Revolution in France (1790) with The Rights of Man (1791), which was immediately reprinted in America at Thomas Jefferson's suggestion. Against this Adams published from June 8th to July 27th 1791 in the newspaper "Columbia Centinel" his John Quincy Adams 1825-1829 117 Letters of Publicola, which very quickly not only in other parts of the USA, but also in England, and Scotland Ireland were reprinted. Two years later, Adams ’article about American relations with revolutionary France and especially the appearance of the French ambassador Genêt in America caused even more sensation. Adams ’essays were fundamentally in line with the attitudes of George Washington and the Federalist Party and testified to the young attorney's political ambitions. A little later, he accepted George Washington's offer to represent the United States in the Netherlands as envoy. On May 30, 1794, the Senate confirmed the president's appointment. With this office, John Quincy Adams began a career that made him perhaps the most important and successful American foreign policy maker of the 19th century. From the eventful career up to 1824, when he was elected president, three events stand out: the peace treaty of Ghent, which ended the Anglo-American war in 1814, the transcontinental treaty with Spain of 1819 and the so-called "Monroe Doctrine", the Was proclaimed in 1823. Of the American negotiators, which included Albert Gallatin, Henry Clay, James A. Bayard, and Jonathan Russell, John Quincy Adams had the greatest diplomatic experience; that is why he had been entrusted with the management of the commission that was to make peace in Ghent in 1814. In the course of several months of talks with the British three-man delegation, the balance shifted in favor of the more politically versed Gallatin. The British Foreign Minister Castlereagh had proposed peace talks on the condition that they would not violate any principles of public law or the “maritime rights of the British empire”. In the negotiations, however, the English delegation then addressed two problem areas that deviated from the principle of reciprocity and touched on the provisions of the Peace of Paris of 1783. The British first demanded the inclusion of the Indians allied with England in the treaty and the definitive definition of the border between the USA and the land of the friendly tribes as well as a drastic revision of the border with Canada; Second, they declared that they considered the United States' fishing rights within British waters granted in the 1783 Treaty to have expired. Two groups quickly formed within the American delegation: While everyone was against a revision of the western border in favor of Canada, Clay and Russell in particular were reluctant to attempt to grant the British navigation rights on the Mississippi. Adams John Quincy Adams 1825 - 1829 118 in turn favored a tough stance on the fishery question, while Gallatin, as an elder statesman, had a more equalizing effect and occasionally tried to soften and smooth out all too sharp reactions and formulations by Adams. In the negotiations, the old legal positions of repeated statements by both sides ultimately had little effect on the treaty itself, apart from the fact that the more or less categorical refusal of the Americans to include the Indian problem or the border revisions in the treaty prompted the English cabinet, step by step to depart from these demands. In November 1814 the discussions on factual issues were concluded. The treaty, which, in addition to restoring the state of affairs before the outbreak of war, provided for the establishment of border commissions, was signed in Ghent on December 24, 1814 and proclaimed by the President on February 18, 1815. Even before ratification, Adams was appointed American ambassador to the English court. In the following two years, up to his return to America and his appointment as Secretary of State, he strove, with some success, to further normalize the tense relations between the former motherland and the United States. The personal knowledge of the leaders of what was then the most powerful and richest country in Europe would be essential to the success of Adams' foreign policy efforts over the next eight years. For the two events that marked the foreign policy of James Monroe's presidency, the conclusion of the Transcontinental Treaty between Spain and the USA and the promulgation of the "Monroe Doctrine", were based on a precise assessment of the English position. Both were the work of Adam; but both were only possible thanks to the close collaboration between President Monroe and Adams. It was astonishing that it turned out to be so trusting. For, at least in the first few years of the 19th century, both had not only been rivals, but also had decidedly different views on the foreign policy course of the United States. Monroe advocated a benevolent neutrality of the USA towards revolutionary France, while John Quincy Adams, influential interpreter of Burke in America, showed, like his father, a more understanding of the English attitude. What Monroe and Adams had in common, however, was their moderate but clearly national conception of American foreign policy. As Foreign Secretary, Adams followed up on all key issues with the implementation of the Peace of 1783, in the negotiations of which he had participated as his father's secretary, and the Peace of 1814. This was once the case for the question of fisheries law, on which Adams now found himself forced to compromise against his and his father's will by Monroe, who was not prepared to risk a conflict with England over it. The same applies to the question of the border between the USA and Canada to the Pacific. What had been left open in 1783 was also not regulated in the peace treaty in 1814 at the direction of Monroe, then foreign minister. The region in question, particularly the possession of the Columbia River valley, had become the subject of fierce rivalries between the British North West Company and John Jacob Astor's Pacific Fur Trading Company. In the war of 1812 British troops had occupied the American base; now, in 1817, Monroe, citing the peace of Ghent, ordered his reoccupation. In the negotiations that were conducted in London, the American side, on instructions from Adams, insisted on extending the American-Canadian border along the 49th parallel to the Pacific; Since the British refused to agree, the Treaty of 1818 contained only one provision in Article 3, which opened the disputed area to members of both nations for ten years. The other open questions between England and the USA were also resolved or postponed in a spirit of renewed willingness to compromise. Arbitration was agreed on the question of compensation for deported slaves, which was important for the South; Regarding the reciprocity in American-British trade and in the conflict about the violent enticement of former British sailors from American merchant ships on the high seas (impressment), however, no solution was found, despite the convergence of viewpoints. Still, the signing of the 1818 treaty was another step on the way to improving Anglo-American relations. At the same time, the way in which the US side negotiated the treaty indicated the form of cooperation between the President and his Foreign Secretary: Monroe decided on points that were important to Monroe; Adams bowed to these decisions without developing any resentment towards Monroe. In all other questions Monroe gave his foreign minister a free hand. So the treaty was a compromise in two senses: once between the two states, then between Monroe and Adams. The treaty was an important prerequisite for the success of the ongoing negotiations between Adams in Washington and the Spanish ambassador. They concerned two complexes: the problem of West Florida, which the USA was seeking to acquire, and the western border with the Spanish colonies, which has been disputed since the Louisiana Purchase. John Quincy Adams 1825 - 1829 120 The starting point was the resolution of the American Congress of January 15, 1811, which in principle rejected the transfer of Spanish or formerly Spanish colonies immediately adjacent to the USA to another European power At the same time, however, the USA granted the right to occupy such areas as a precautionary measure until the final contractual settlement of the question of ownership. Another attempt failed in 1815: Spain insisted on the Mississippi as a border, whereby the USA would have lost a large part of the territories acquired in 1803, and refused to cede East and West Florida. Such was the situation when Adams took over negotiations with Spain. Before long, the Florida problem was given additional explosive power by Andrew Jackson's occupation of East Florida, which showed the urgent need for a comprehensive settlement of relations between Spain and the United States. In the negotiations over the border to the west, Monroe was more willing than Adams to be more accommodating. Since the spring of 1818 at the latest, the foreign minister tried to convince not only the Spanish ambassador Luis de Onís de Gonzalez, but also Monroe that the border should be drawn from a point as far to the south as possible over the Rocky Mountains to the west to the Pacific. In the long and difficult negotiations, Adams was able to prevail with his view because the position of the Spanish government in Europe was gradually deteriorating and the Holy Alliance could not be won over by Spain for a transatlantic intervention. Ultimately, Adams and Onís agreed on a border along the Arkansas River to the Rocky Mountains, from where they followed the 42nd parallel to the Pacific. The contract, which was only slightly inferior in importance to the Louisiana Purchase, also transferred both Floridas to the USA for a payment of 5 million dollars. The treaties with England and Spain had secured the USA a corridor between the 42nd and 49th parallel to the Pacific. One of the key problems in the negotiations with Spain was the question of the diplomatic recognition of the former Spanish colonies in Latin America by the USA. Adams, Monroe and Clay did not want to comply with Spain's demand to forego such recognition, although Adams was much more cautious than Clay when it came to the question of when this recognition should take place. Monroe, in turn, worried about the attitude of the powers of the Holy Alliance and feared that recognition would provoke their intervention. In the summer of 1823 the whole complex of questions flowed through two new developments: On the one hand, the English foreign minister offered a joint English-John Quincy Adams 1825 - 1829 121 American declaration on the question of the former Spanish colonies, while Russia in Washington had declared that it would rejecting recognition of rebellious colonies with republican constitutions in principle, but at the same time announced that it intended to use its legal claims to the northwest coast of America to build settlements. At first the Cabinet was divided over the British offer. Monroe and Calhoun were for and Crawford and Adams against the adoption. In the end, Adams prevailed with his proposal of a double strategy: a friendly rejection to the English address and a public declaration of the principles of American foreign policy in a message from Monroe to Congress. Such a declaration could tie in with the resolution of October 15, 1811, as well as the farewell message from George Washington. The fundamental clarification of the American ideas led to the connection of the Latin American problem with the American attitude towards the European states and their role in America. As Adams' diary entry of November 21, 1823 shows, this connection was essentially an achievement by the Foreign Minister. Then he wanted to make it clear that the United States government refrained from imposing its own political system on other powers or interfering in European affairs; conversely, they expect and hope that the Europeans, too, would refrain from spreading their principles in the American hemisphere or forcibly submitting any part of these continents to their will. The principles that Adams formulated here flowed into the message of the president, which he presented to Congress on December 2, 1823 and which later under the designation "Monroe Doctrine", American foreign policy up to the present day, albeit with changes, should have a decisive influence. The deliberations on how to react to the British and Russian initiative were overshadowed by the presidential election campaign the following year. With the exception of Andrew Jackson, who was completely inexperienced in administration, but surrounded by the glamor of the military victor, all the other presidential candidates - besides Adams Calhoun, Crawford and Clay - sat either in the cabinet or in Congress. The southerner William H. Crawford, under Monroe Secretary of the Treasury, had devoted himself to the promotion of a national economic structure and, like Clay and Adams, to the expansion of the transport system; John C.During this time, Calhoun from South Carolina developed into an energetic advocate of the economic interests of the South in the context of the highly controversial customs problem, while Henry Clay as speaker of the House of Representatives not only John Quincy Adams 1825 - 1829 122 energetically the interest of the western section in the expansion of a national Transport system, but also as a proponent of an "American System" developed a pan-continental program committed to the legacy of the American Revolution. Adams himself shared Crawford and Clay's views on the necessity and constitutionality of federal infrastructure measures (internal improvements), was close, albeit with more skepticism, to Clay's "American System", but linked this with a policy of clear demarcation from Europe and one in particular against England-directed policy of emphasizing national foreign trade interests. On the customs issue, which was the most controversial between the sections alongside the internal improvement problem, Adams steered a rather neutral course during the election campaign, but here, as with some other issues, could not be accused of one-sidedly favoring the interests of the New England factories avoid. In general, the public demeanor, expression and appearance of Adam's origin from this northern region revealed. Since Andrew Jackson had the most votes on election day, December 1, 1824, but none of the candidates had the required majority of electors, the decision fell to the House of Representatives. On February 9, 1825, this elected not Jackson, but John Quincy Adams, who had the second-best result in the electoral committee, as the new president. After Adams appointed Henry Clay as the new Secretary of State in his cabinet, Jackson and his supporters charged that Adams had reached a secret agreement with Clay in advance of the House vote that Clay's electors should vote for Adams and Adams for it Clay would be appointed to the cabinet. In research, this allegation is still the subject of divergent views. There are two things to consider: On the one hand, the rift between Clay and Jackson was obvious even before the election; on the other hand, Clay, like many others, had doubts as to whether Crawford, who had entered the running as an official party candidate for the Republicans, would recover from his severe stroke in the summer of 1823 and be able to hold the presidency. For Clay, Jackson and Crawford were therefore no alternatives to Adams. Undoubtedly, talks between Adams and Clay took place prior to the vote. What both discussed was unimportant to most of his contemporaries; The appearance and the word of the military hero of the "corrupt bargain" was sufficient for them to condemn Adam. The presidency was heavily burdened by this corruption allegation from the start. John Quincy Adams 1825 - 1829 123 The straightforwardness, personal coldness, scrupulous restraint in party-political questions and the inability to use the methods of patronage acceptable and customary at the time to build up one's own political following and to strengthen one's political sympathizers, in short: one's insistence on the principle of absolute political independence, which had earned Adams the deep distrust of both the Federalists and the Republicans since the beginning of the century, determined his style of presidential governance - thereby destroying any prospect of re-election. Nonetheless, some, albeit crude, political considerations can be seen, particularly in the composition of his cabinet: He planned to offer Jackson the War Department, but refrained from doing so when it was indicated to him that Jackson would take the offer as an insult; he offered Crawford again the Treasury, but the refused, whereupon Adams decided to transfer the office to the American ambassador in London, Richard Rush, who had no support in America since 1817 in Europe. The attempt to involve the two most dangerous political competitors and their supporters in the presidency had thus failed. This was made worse by the fact that Adams kept John McLean in his post as postmaster general, giving this henchman of Calhoun, later Jackson, an extraordinarily wide range of patronage opportunities. The supporters of Crawford, Jackson and Calhoun were soon to come together in Congress in opposition to Adams’s policies and prevent the president’s far-reaching plans from being realized. In the elections at the beginning of the third year of the presidency, Adams ’opponents won a majority in both houses of Congress. Adams ’inaugural address, dated March 4, 1825, expresses his high opinion of the presidency, his conviction that he was committed to the common good of all Americans and that his highest goal should be the advancement of education and science. Essentially, his concern was to train a more virtuous and educated Republican and to create the conditions for economic progress by encouraging internal improvements. He invoked the unity of the nation, stressed the contribution of the two major parties, which in fact no longer existed, to the good of the country, and lamented the emerging sectional conflicts. He also called for the US to take an active role in the first conference of all independent states on the continent in Panama. His proposals also met with bitter opposition because they were based on a broad interpretation of federal competences in the constitution. As a result, John Quincy Adams's presidency was already burdened with heavy mortgages when he took office. More were added: The attempt to give American shipping equal access to the British Caribbean Islands failed due to resistance from London and in 1826 even led to the closure of the West Indian ports for American ships; American inflexibility was responsible for breaking further negotiations, and in March 1827 Adams had no choice but to close American ports to British ships in return. It was not until 1830 that the West India trade could be normalized again. As in the election campaign before, Adams tried to be extremely restrained on the politically more explosive question of protective tariffs because of the sectional implications, but because of the time limit of the law of 1824, a public discussion was inevitable. The Tariff of Abominations, adopted after unusually bitter controversies in 1828, with its prohibitively high tariffs on English woolen goods, was expressly disapproved by Adams in his last message to Congress; but he was unable to ward off the accusation that he was not guilty of adopting it. The representatives of the southern states in particular interpreted the protective tariff as a blatant breach of the federal constitution and as an unconstitutional encroachment on the rights of the individual states, which South Carolina, the state of John C. Calhouns, now made serious efforts to resist. During his entire term in office, Adams never succeeded in determining the issues of the political debate inside and outside of Congress and thereby giving structure and direction to the discussion. Ultimately, this would have required a more active and political view of the presidency than Adams had. Unsurprisingly, Adam’s re-election prospects were poor in 1828. Jackson and his supporters had systematically organized not only the opposition to Adams, but also the election of Jackson as new president since 1826. Too late, Adams's followers began their efforts to build organizations in the States. Jackson won the election with 56 percent of the vote and 178 to 83 voters. Other presidents who lost their re-election - and John Adams was the best example - then withdrew from active politics. His son was the astonishing exception. After a short break, Adams returned in early December 1831 as a delegate from Plymouth to the John Quincy Adams 1825-1829 125 House of Representatives, where he remained active until his death on February 21, 1848. He died in Congress during a debate on the American-Mexican war, which Adams had just as vigorously rejected as he, conversely, vehemently supported efforts to contain or even abolish slavery and, on the other hand, emphatically and thoroughly with all the tactical finesse of the representatives of the southern states Fought success. In retrospect, Adams remains a remarkable statesman whose political importance lies less in his work as president than in his foreign policy successes before that and his work in the House of Representatives afterwards. As a foreign politician, Adams had outstanding qualities such as a cool mind, sober balancing of interests, profound knowledge, and intellectual independence, but these did not necessarily make him popular as President in the United States. On the contrary, they alienated him even from contemporary politicians and, combined with his view of the presidency, made him a preacher rather than the real leader of the nation. In turn, principled loyalty, courage and impartiality born out of distrust of political groups and parties gave Adams that high reputation as a politician before and after his presidency that he still rightly enjoys today.